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Melbourne, Young Sam Konstas will gradually come to understand the beauty and vagaries of Test cricket, much like Jasprit Bumrah demonstrated to him in the second essay of the Boxing Day Test, following the debutant's fiery first-innings fifty, feels former Australian opener Simon Katich. Katich, who played 56 Tests for Australia between 2001 to 2010, wants Konstas to retain his unconventional batting style as no one expects a 19-year-old to be a finished product. "Look its tough and there is always going to be hype when you have a 19-year-old making debut because he is in rare company at his age," Katich told PTI during an interview. Konstas scored 60 off 65 balls in the first innings. He hit a conventional lap scoop for maximum and pulled off a reverse lap scoop behind square against Bumrah before walking down the track to smash a six over mid-wicket all in one over. However, the world's best fast bowler in contemporary times bowled a perfect off-cutter to clean the debutant up for 8 in the second innings. "What we saw from him in the first innings at the MCG was unbelievable courage, given the conditions he faced and the challenge of playing against arguably the best bowler in the series Jasprit Bumrah. "Yes, he found a way to counter him with the ramp shot. It was unconventional but we know that the game is being played differently now." "In the second innings, Konstas saw that Test cricket is not going to be easy. The conditions always change and you have to deal with Bumrah. "Given he is only 19, no one expects him to be a finisher. He has lots to learn and gain experience, but obviously he's got potential and talent," said the left-hander, who scored 10 Test hundreds for Australia, including a couple against India." Does he find streaks of David Warner in Konstas' aggression, Katich feels that similarity with the just-retired left-hander ends with temperament and gameplan. "There are certainly aspects of temperament and gameplan, modern-age thinking but in terms of style, he is a very different type of player than Warner as Konstas is much taller. He can run towards the bowler, down the track to put them off length. "Not saying Warner can’t do that but different types players, but he should try and be himself throughout his career." Time for selectors to think beyond Marsh ========================= Katich agrees that if Mitchell Marsh isn’t contributing with the ball, then Australia's National Selection Panel will need to have a look at the combination considering the all-rounder's poor returns with the bat. "No doubt Marsh is under pressure because he isn’t bowling so much. Even after Josh Hazlewood got injured, he only bowled two overs on a day when Cummins and Starc had to share the workload." "There were questions, he then missed out with the bat at MCG and hasn't been able to fulfil the role with the ball. The selectors have a decision to make at the end of this Test.” Talking about Mitchell Starc’s dodgy back and a possible replacement, Katich believes it will either be reserves Jhye Richardson or Sean Abbott. However, he marked tall left-arm pacer Spencer Johnson as a future contender, provided he continues to bowl extensively for South Australia. "If they are being consistent, then guys who have come as cover, Jhye Richardson or Sean Abbott will be in the mix. Spencer Johnson is playing in Big Bash League and is coming back after a toe injury. It is one thing bowling four overs in BBL and bowling 22 to 25 overs in a Test match is completely different, backing it up day after day. "Something they will know better with workloads and managements. I do think Spencer is a potential Test player. He has skills and capability but he has to play more matches for South Australia.” Bumrah is best fast bowler now ==================== Having played a considerable amount of cricket against India, Katich considers Jasprit Bumrah one of the best overseas pacers to have travelled Down Under in the last two decades. "No doubt that of all the players I have seen or played against in last 20 odd years, Bumrah's numbers speak for themselves. One that got Alex Carey, the ball was seaming back, knocking down his stumps was an absolute beauty. Young Konstas got one that pegged back and hit top of middle, great control and skill-set to work batsmen out." Asked what makes Bumrah special, Katich said: “Great pace. Yes, he has unique action. The fact that he gets movement both ways and hits the length and an area at will. "He has got great control, yorker, bouncer, length and adjusting lines whether to get an LBW or bowling in the channel to get an outside edge, backed up by his pace.” This article was generated from an automated news agency feed without modifications to text.By Revin Mikhael D. Ochave, Reporter ARLONE P. ABELLO, founder and chief executive officer at Global Miranda Miner Group, is pushing investor education to boost the adoption of cryptocurrencies in the Philippines. “We should orient every Filipino,” he said in an interview. “It is a multi-stakeholder approach. It takes a community to educate someone. I think everyone needs to have a concerted effort on what digital assets are all about.” “We want to have a continuous level of education. We’re telling Filipinos that it doesn’t end with the stock market and mutual funds,” he added. Before his cryptocurrency journey, Mr. Abello was senior director of operations for Telus International, Inc. “I was bored with the Philippine stock market. There’s no volume. Then I said why don’t I dabble into cryptocurrency? There’s volume and liquidity. Volume is the kingmaker on trading setups,” he said. “Cryptocurrency, particularly Bitcoin, is the greatest equalizer between a first-world country and a third-world country. I’m just looking forward to educating people,” he added. Mr. Abello said he wants to remove the stigma of cryptocurrency and help people avoid scams through increased investor education. “I’m seeing slow but steady adoption,” he said. “From an adoption standpoint, we’re slowly getting there. The goal is for Filipino traders to introduce Bitcoin to their families. If I educate one college student, I am confident that the family is already protected against scams.” Mr. Abello said the presence of GCrypto on mobile wallet GCash and local cryptocurrency wallets and exchanges Coins.ph and Philippine Digital Asset Exchange has helped boost crypto adoption in the country. “The infrastructure is already there. Although people don’t believe it, at least they don’t ignore cryptocurrency. From a learning standpoint, awareness is already present,” he said. “Investors need to be financially mature. They need to have emergency funds — six months’ worth of their operating expenses. They need to have insurance before going to speculative assets,” he added. In November, Coins.ph said its trading volume grew more than 10 times year on year with more users after the surge in Bitcoin’s value. Mr. Abello said the Philippines should also have clear regulations on cryptocurrency trading. “We should also have regulatory clarity in the Philippines. At some point, people are still walking on eggshells. It’s like you’re walking on landmines.” “Clear guidelines will help entice more participants into cryptocurrency,” he added. The Securities and Exchange Commission (SEC) issued draft rules on cryptocurrency providers on Dec. 20. The draft is open for public comment until Jan. 18, 2025. Under the rules, crypto providers must be a SEC-registered stock corporation, have at least four staff members living in the Philippines and meet the minimum capital requirements. Mr. Abello said cryptocurrency adoption is expected to be boosted under US President-elect Donald J. Trump. “I expect over the next 24 to 36 months that more institutions are going to be opening just because the upcoming US president is a proponent of Bitcoin,” he said. “The Philippines usually mirrors the blueprint in the US.” Bitcoin hit a record high above $107,000 on Dec. 17 after Mr. Trump reiterated plans to create a US bitcoin strategic reserve, stoking the enthusiasm of crypto bulls.

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High school football playoff recap: Buffalo Gap advances to Region 1B title gameIn typically unconvincing fashion, Chelsea march on, thanks to the striker who is now, nestled nicely in Erling Haaland’s slipstream, perhaps the Premier League ’s second-most effective marksman. The social media ridicule in the end became a difficult watch. Glaring misses in big games - the FA Cup semi-final against Manchester City a particularly profligate afternoon - saw Nicolas Jackson chastised by fans young and old, even his own, in a distasteful manner you only get from the brave souls sat behind their computer keyboards at home. Only Haaland and another social media class clown, Darwin Nunez, missed more big chances than Jackson last season, leading to calls for the Senegal striker to be a makeweight for further incomings as Enzo Maresca ’s shuffled his Chelsea pack in the summer transfer window. Maresca, like several other more level-headed observers, was able to see the wood from the trees and understood that Jackson’s numbers – 17 goals in all competitions in his debut season, more than Didier Drogba managed in his – was enough to earn him time to cement his spot as Chelsea’s frontline hitman. After Jackson’s match-winning contribution at the King Power, scoring one superbly-taken opener against Leicester City and having a hand in the Chelsea’s second, the doubters are disappearing from view. What is causing so many memes to be swiftly deleted is how clinical Jackson has become this term. From fewer than than two and a half shots per game this season, the Blues striker has amassed seven goals. The confidence in the finish at the King Power, albeit against utterly woeful defending, was not the mark of a striker who has paid much attention to what is being said about him recently. The tenacity to beat a stumbling Wout Faes to the ball was commendable, the swivel nimble in flight, the control he had on the ball was if he had his own gravitational pull over it, while his finish was never going anywhere other than the bottom corner. Jackson did little else all game until popping up with the header that led to Enzo Fernandez firing home Chelsea’s second, but in Maresca’s intricate system, which has a different complexity to it when in possession compared to when they don’t have the ball, that’s all he is needed for. Last season is one of those years Chelsea will do their best to erase from history, such was the omnishambles unfolding at Stamford Bridge before a late revival earned them a respectable league finish. To judge any Chelsea player, let alone a 22-year-old brought to the Premier League with barely any first-team experience – a half-season at Villarreal when, for a very short period, he outscored Karim Benzema – on the 2024-25 comedy of errors is beyond unfair. Now, everything is in place for Jackson to succeed as Chelsea have started to turn the corner and are, earlier than everyone predicted, moving toward being genuine title contenders. He doesn’t not have to play three times a week like Haaland does, given the sheer volume of alternatives desperate for a Europa Conference League outing, while Maresca has found the perfect role for Cole Palmer as an inside-left forward that makes him a creative threat as well as a goal one, with service coming from wide positions in abundance, too. And he is delivering. “This excites me, he’s come on a bundle this season,” former Chelsea midfielder Joe Cole said of Jackson’s King Power display. Perhaps, Joe, like many others, you let social media form your judgements for you. Those who look at the numbers and appreciate chaotic environment Jackson was forced to operate in last season, had not already written him off before he was allowed to find his feet.AS temperatures drop and cold weather creeps in, keeping our spaces warm is a top priority. Whether you’re curling up at home, working in a chilly office, or adding some to cooler areas, Walmart has just dropped the ultimate affordable essential to keep your spaces cozy. Mainstays Personal Electric Ceramic Heater, $9.96 With the cost of living continuing to rise across states, many of us will be trying to find efficient and more affordable ways to live. Fortunately, Walmart has stepped in as the temperature begins to drop. Read more Walmart stories The popular retailer has launched a budget-friendly solution that shoppers love, the Mainstays Mini Ceramic Heater is now available at an unbeatable price. 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In about 55 days, President Donald Trump will be sworn into office. On day one, he’ll fulfill one of his most important promises: Firing Gary Gensler, President Joe Biden’s handpicked chairman of the U.S. Securities and Exchange Commission (SEC). Over the past four years, Gensler has led a body in charge of regulating a major source of America’s economic strength: our capital markets. When he is relieved of his duties next month, he will leave a legacy that should never be repeated. Let’s take a look back at Gensler’s time as SEC chairman — a chapter for America’s financial markets that was marked by chaos. Gensler’s work didn’t start in 2021 with this appointment. He’s a long-time Democrat political appointee who served in the Treasury Department in the Clinton administration and the Commodity Futures Trading Commission in the Obama years. After the 2020 election, President Biden appointed him to run the SEC. His time there has been marked by inconsistent, ill-conceived leadership that has stifled innovation. During his tenure he’s worked to incorporate environmental, social and governance measures into investing decisions, and he’s finalized the climate rule — which would require public companies to disclose emissions data that has no relationship to what investors care about most: The bottom line. He’s stood in the way of crypto, trying to quash the up-and-coming digital assets markets with failed enforcement actions and a hollow insistence that digital asset firms could simply “come in and register” their tokens with the hostile regulator. A prime example of this is his infamous Staff Accounting Bulletin 121. SAB 121, despite widespread opposition, works effectively as a regulation even though it never went through the normal Administrative Procedures Act process required for one. This specific bulletin effectively requires banks to put digital assets held in custody on their balance sheet. Simply put, that’s not how custody usually works. This bulletin upends custodial practice for banks, and it is effectively keeping banks out of this market entirely. That’s not good for consumers or for investors. Earlier this year, I led an effort to overturn SAB 121, which passed both houses of Congress with bipartisan support. President Biden ultimately sided with Gensler and vetoed it, leaving SAB 121 in place. I look forward to working with the next SEC chairperson to roll back SAB 121. It’s not just SAB 121. Right now, there is no federal regulatory framework guiding federal agencies on how to approach digital assets. Gensler has taken advantage of this, going rogue, using a regulation by enforcement tact that forces the industry and the SEC to battle it all out in court. Put simply: he could have avoided this by doing his job and providing regulatory clarity for an industry that needs it to survive. It should be no surprise that Gensler opposed the digital assets regulatory framework that passed the House earlier this year on a bipartisan basis. 71 Democrats joined House Republicans to pass this common sense framework. Even though the Democrat-led Senate has refused to take it up, it represents a breakthrough moment for cryptocurrency and is likely to inform the work of the unified Republican government as the next Congress begins in January. Whether the chairman leaves on his own or President Trump delivers his famous line on Jan. 20, 2025, there’s an incredible opportunity for the new administration to turn the page on the Gensler era. For America to lead the global financial world, the SEC needs to offer consistent, reliable regulations that foster both stability and growth. While Gensler’s tenure has done the opposite, I expect that President Trump will provide the regulatory clarity that fintech leaders, investors and consumers deserve.

As the debate over vaccine safety and policy continues to polarize the public, two prominent figures—Dr. Janette Nesheiwat, Donald Trump 's pick for surgeon general, and Robert F. Kennedy Jr. , Trump's pick for health and human services secretary—represent starkly different perspectives. Their differing views could see the cabinet divided over the key issue of the vaccine mandate in an administration that has not yet made any firm remarks on whether it supports vaccines. While Nesheiwat has been a proponent of vaccines, Kennedy Jr. has been one of the most vocal critics, often touting conspiracy theories and misinformation. For example, Kennedy Jr. has repeatedly claimed that childhood vaccines cause autism , a theory thoroughly debunked by scientific studies. "I do believe that autism does come from vaccines," he said last summer in an interview with Fox News host Jesse Watters. Despite the Centers for Disease Control and Prevention ( CDC ) confirming that vaccines are not linked to autism, Kennedy continues to promote unfounded concerns about vaccine safety, including the myth that thimerosal, a preservative, contributes to autism. In 2023, Kennedy expressed opposition to vaccine mandates for public school children and encouraged people to resist CDC guidelines on vaccinations. He has also warned against vaccinating young children, despite evidence showing that low vaccination rates lead to outbreaks of preventable diseases like measles. In 2015, Kennedy controversially compared vaccination to the Holocaust, a remark he later apologized for. He has also called the COVID-19 vaccine the "deadliest ever made" and falsely claimed vaccines caused the 1918 flu pandemic and HIV. Despite his ongoing criticism, Kennedy maintains that he is not "anti-vaccine." In contrast, Nesheiwat has previously described the COVID vaccine as a "gift from God." "I'm optimistic we are on our way to ending the needless loss of lives starting with the nothing short of miraculous coronavirus vaccine and the development of therapeutics," she wrote in an opinion piece published on Fox News in 2021. "We have many vaccines in existence that treat a variety of non-life-threatening diseases but to have a COVID vaccine, i.e. a Pfizer or Moderna mRNA that will actually save you from dying is a gift from God." She has also said that the measles, mumps and rubella vaccine is highly effective. "The measles, mumps and rubella vaccine has been around for many many years, at least 50/60 years, and it's highly effective. It's about 97 percent effective in preventing you from catching measles, mumps and rubella, and this is really important, because it is the most contagious vaccine-preventable disease out there," she said during a Fox News interview in January. Kennedy Jr., on the other hand, once allegedly suggested that a statue should be erected of the disgraced British doctor Andy Wakefield, who falsely claimed the MMR vaccine causes autism. But While Trump's proposed health secretary has been a strong opponent of vaccines, it is unclear how much influence he, or Nesheiwat, will have on policy surrounding the issue. Trump has not made any firm remarks on whether he would consider a ban on vaccines. However, he has not ruled out doing so. When asked in November during a phone interview with NBC News if banning certain vaccines would be an option during a second term, Trump said: "Well, I'm going to talk to him and talk to other people, and I'll make a decision, but he's a very talented guy and has strong views," referring to Kennedy Jr. Kennedy Jr. has never explicitly said he will ban vaccines. The day after election day Kennedy Kr. posted on social media that he was "not going to take away anybody's vaccines. I've never been anti-vaccine. I'm going to make sure the scientific safety studies and efficacies are out there, and people can make individual assessments about whether that product is going to be good for them." Newsweek has contacted Kennedy Jr. and Nesheiwat, as well as Trump's transition team, for comment.

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Temba Bavuma hid in toilet, didn't speak, was 'sulking' before South Africa beat Pakistan in thriller to reach WTC finalChicago Blackhawks call up Frank Nazar, their top offensive prospectBy BILL BARROW, Associated Press PLAINS, Ga. (AP) — Newly married and sworn as a Naval officer, Jimmy Carter left his tiny hometown in 1946 hoping to climb the ranks and see the world. Less than a decade later, the death of his father and namesake, a merchant farmer and local politician who went by “Mr. Earl,” prompted the submariner and his wife, Rosalynn, to return to the rural life of Plains, Georgia, they thought they’d escaped. The lieutenant never would be an admiral. Instead, he became commander in chief. Years after his presidency ended in humbling defeat, he would add a Nobel Peace Prize, awarded not for his White House accomplishments but “for his decades of untiring effort to find peaceful solutions to international conflicts, to advance democracy and human rights, and to promote economic and social development.” The life of James Earl Carter Jr., the 39th and longest-lived U.S. president, ended Sunday at the age of 100 where it began: Plains, the town of 600 that fueled his political rise, welcomed him after his fall and sustained him during 40 years of service that redefined what it means to be a former president. With the stubborn confidence of an engineer and an optimism rooted in his Baptist faith, Carter described his motivations in politics and beyond in the same way: an almost missionary zeal to solve problems and improve lives. Carter was raised amid racism, abject poverty and hard rural living — realities that shaped both his deliberate politics and emphasis on human rights. “He always felt a responsibility to help people,” said Jill Stuckey, a longtime friend of Carter’s in Plains. “And when he couldn’t make change wherever he was, he decided he had to go higher.” Carter’s path, a mix of happenstance and calculation , pitted moral imperatives against political pragmatism; and it defied typical labels of American politics, especially caricatures of one-term presidents as failures. “We shouldn’t judge presidents by how popular they are in their day. That’s a very narrow way of assessing them,” Carter biographer Jonathan Alter told the Associated Press. “We should judge them by how they changed the country and the world for the better. On that score, Jimmy Carter is not in the first rank of American presidents, but he stands up quite well.” Later in life, Carter conceded that many Americans, even those too young to remember his tenure, judged him ineffective for failing to contain inflation or interest rates, end the energy crisis or quickly bring home American hostages in Iran. He gained admirers instead for his work at The Carter Center — advocating globally for public health, human rights and democracy since 1982 — and the decades he and Rosalynn wore hardhats and swung hammers with Habitat for Humanity. Yet the common view that he was better after the Oval Office than in it annoyed Carter, and his allies relished him living long enough to see historians reassess his presidency. “He doesn’t quite fit in today’s terms” of a left-right, red-blue scoreboard, said U.S. Transportation Secretary Pete Buttigieg, who visited the former president multiple times during his own White House bid. At various points in his political career, Carter labeled himself “progressive” or “conservative” — sometimes both at once. His most ambitious health care bill failed — perhaps one of his biggest legislative disappointments — because it didn’t go far enough to suit liberals. Republicans, especially after his 1980 defeat, cast him as a left-wing cartoon. It would be easiest to classify Carter as a centrist, Buttigieg said, “but there’s also something radical about the depth of his commitment to looking after those who are left out of society and out of the economy.” Indeed, Carter’s legacy is stitched with complexities, contradictions and evolutions — personal and political. The self-styled peacemaker was a war-trained Naval Academy graduate who promised Democratic challenger Ted Kennedy that he’d “kick his ass.” But he campaigned with a call to treat everyone with “respect and compassion and with love.” Carter vowed to restore America’s virtue after the shame of Vietnam and Watergate, and his technocratic, good-government approach didn’t suit Republicans who tagged government itself as the problem. It also sometimes put Carter at odds with fellow Democrats. The result still was a notable legislative record, with wins on the environment, education, and mental health care. He dramatically expanded federally protected lands, began deregulating air travel, railroads and trucking, and he put human rights at the center of U.S. foreign policy. As a fiscal hawk, Carter added a relative pittance to the national debt, unlike successors from both parties. Carter nonetheless struggled to make his achievements resonate with the electorate he charmed in 1976. Quoting Bob Dylan and grinning enthusiastically, he had promised voters he would “never tell a lie.” Once in Washington, though, he led like a joyless engineer, insisting his ideas would become reality and he’d be rewarded politically if only he could convince enough people with facts and logic. This served him well at Camp David, where he brokered peace between Israel’s Menachem Begin and Epypt’s Anwar Sadat, an experience that later sparked the idea of The Carter Center in Atlanta. Carter’s tenacity helped the center grow to a global force that monitored elections across five continents, enabled his freelance diplomacy and sent public health experts across the developing world. The center’s wins were personal for Carter, who hoped to outlive the last Guinea worm parasite, and nearly did. As president, though, the approach fell short when he urged consumers beleaguered by energy costs to turn down their thermostats. Or when he tried to be the nation’s cheerleader, beseeching Americans to overcome a collective “crisis of confidence.” Republican Ronald Reagan exploited Carter’s lecturing tone with a belittling quip in their lone 1980 debate. “There you go again,” the former Hollywood actor said in response to a wonky answer from the sitting president. “The Great Communicator” outpaced Carter in all but six states. Carter later suggested he “tried to do too much, too soon” and mused that he was incompatible with Washington culture: media figures, lobbyists and Georgetown social elites who looked down on the Georgians and their inner circle as “country come to town.” Carter carefully navigated divides on race and class on his way to the Oval Office. Born Oct. 1, 1924 , Carter was raised in the mostly Black community of Archery, just outside Plains, by a progressive mother and white supremacist father. Their home had no running water or electricity but the future president still grew up with the relative advantages of a locally prominent, land-owning family in a system of Jim Crow segregation. He wrote of President Franklin Roosevelt’s towering presence and his family’s Democratic Party roots, but his father soured on FDR, and Jimmy Carter never campaigned or governed as a New Deal liberal. He offered himself as a small-town peanut farmer with an understated style, carrying his own luggage, bunking with supporters during his first presidential campaign and always using his nickname. And he began his political career in a whites-only Democratic Party. As private citizens, he and Rosalynn supported integration as early as the 1950s and believed it inevitable. Carter refused to join the White Citizens Council in Plains and spoke out in his Baptist church against denying Black people access to worship services. “This is not my house; this is not your house,” he said in a churchwide meeting, reminding fellow parishioners their sanctuary belonged to God. Yet as the appointed chairman of Sumter County schools he never pushed to desegregate, thinking it impractical after the Supreme Court’s 1954 Brown v. Board decision. And while presidential candidate Carter would hail the 1965 Voting Rights Act, signed by fellow Democrat Lyndon Johnson when Carter was a state senator, there is no record of Carter publicly supporting it at the time. Carter overcame a ballot-stuffing opponent to win his legislative seat, then lost the 1966 governor’s race to an arch-segregationist. He won four years later by avoiding explicit mentions of race and campaigning to the right of his rival, who he mocked as “Cufflinks Carl” — the insult of an ascendant politician who never saw himself as part the establishment. Carter’s rural and small-town coalition in 1970 would match any victorious Republican electoral map in 2024. Once elected, though, Carter shocked his white conservative supporters — and landed on the cover of Time magazine — by declaring that “the time for racial discrimination is over.” Before making the jump to Washington, Carter befriended the family of slain civil rights leader Martin Luther King Jr., whom he’d never sought out as he eyed the governor’s office. Carter lamented his foot-dragging on school integration as a “mistake.” But he also met, conspicuously, with Alabama’s segregationist Gov. George Wallace to accept his primary rival’s endorsement ahead of the 1976 Democratic convention. “He very shrewdly took advantage of his own Southerness,” said Amber Roessner, a University of Tennessee professor and expert on Carter’s campaigns. A coalition of Black voters and white moderate Democrats ultimately made Carter the last Democratic presidential nominee to sweep the Deep South. Then, just as he did in Georgia, he used his power in office to appoint more non-whites than all his predecessors had, combined. He once acknowledged “the secret shame” of white Americans who didn’t fight segregation. But he also told Alter that doing more would have sacrificed his political viability – and thus everything he accomplished in office and after. King’s daughter, Bernice King, described Carter as wisely “strategic” in winning higher offices to enact change. “He was a leader of conscience,” she said in an interview. Rosalynn Carter, who died on Nov. 19 at the age of 96, was identified by both husband and wife as the “more political” of the pair; she sat in on Cabinet meetings and urged him to postpone certain priorities, like pressing the Senate to relinquish control of the Panama Canal. “Let that go until the second term,” she would sometimes say. The president, recalled her former aide Kathy Cade, retorted that he was “going to do what’s right” even if “it might cut short the time I have.” Rosalynn held firm, Cade said: “She’d remind him you have to win to govern.” Carter also was the first president to appoint multiple women as Cabinet officers. Yet by his own telling, his career sprouted from chauvinism in the Carters’ early marriage: He did not consult Rosalynn when deciding to move back to Plains in 1953 or before launching his state Senate bid a decade later. Many years later, he called it “inconceivable” that he didn’t confer with the woman he described as his “full partner,” at home, in government and at The Carter Center. “We developed a partnership when we were working in the farm supply business, and it continued when Jimmy got involved in politics,” Rosalynn Carter told AP in 2021. So deep was their trust that when Carter remained tethered to the White House in 1980 as 52 Americans were held hostage in Tehran, it was Rosalynn who campaigned on her husband’s behalf. “I just loved it,” she said, despite the bitterness of defeat. Fair or not, the label of a disastrous presidency had leading Democrats keep their distance, at least publicly, for many years, but Carter managed to remain relevant, writing books and weighing in on societal challenges. He lamented widening wealth gaps and the influence of money in politics. He voted for democratic socialist Bernie Sanders over Hillary Clinton in 2016, and later declared that America had devolved from fully functioning democracy to “oligarchy.” Yet looking ahead to 2020, with Sanders running again, Carter warned Democrats not to “move to a very liberal program,” lest they help re-elect President Donald Trump. Carter scolded the Republican for his serial lies and threats to democracy, and chided the U.S. establishment for misunderstanding Trump’s populist appeal. He delighted in yearly convocations with Emory University freshmen, often asking them to guess how much he’d raised in his two general election campaigns. “Zero,” he’d gesture with a smile, explaining the public financing system candidates now avoid so they can raise billions. Carter still remained quite practical in partnering with wealthy corporations and foundations to advance Carter Center programs. Carter recognized that economic woes and the Iran crisis doomed his presidency, but offered no apologies for appointing Paul Volcker as the Federal Reserve chairman whose interest rate hikes would not curb inflation until Reagan’s presidency. He was proud of getting all the hostages home without starting a shooting war, even though Tehran would not free them until Reagan’s Inauguration Day. “Carter didn’t look at it” as a failure, Alter emphasized. “He said, ‘They came home safely.’ And that’s what he wanted.” Well into their 90s, the Carters greeted visitors at Plains’ Maranatha Baptist Church, where he taught Sunday School and where he will have his last funeral before being buried on family property alongside Rosalynn . Carter, who made the congregation’s collection plates in his woodworking shop, still garnered headlines there, calling for women’s rights within religious institutions, many of which, he said, “subjugate” women in church and society. Carter was not one to dwell on regrets. “I am at peace with the accomplishments, regret the unrealized goals and utilize my former political position to enhance everything we do,” he wrote around his 90th birthday. The politician who had supposedly hated Washington politics also enjoyed hosting Democratic presidential contenders as public pilgrimages to Plains became advantageous again. Carter sat with Buttigieg for the final time March 1, 2020, hours before the Indiana mayor ended his campaign and endorsed eventual winner Joe Biden. “He asked me how I thought the campaign was going,” Buttigieg said, recalling that Carter flashed his signature grin and nodded along as the young candidate, born a year after Carter left office, “put the best face” on the walloping he endured the day before in South Carolina. Never breaking his smile, the 95-year-old host fired back, “I think you ought to drop out.” “So matter of fact,” Buttigieg said with a laugh. “It was somehow encouraging.” Carter had lived enough, won plenty and lost enough to take the long view. “He talked a lot about coming from nowhere,” Buttigieg said, not just to attain the presidency but to leverage “all of the instruments you have in life” and “make the world more peaceful.” In his farewell address as president, Carter said as much to the country that had embraced and rejected him. “The struggle for human rights overrides all differences of color, nation or language,” he declared. “Those who hunger for freedom, who thirst for human dignity and who suffer for the sake of justice — they are the patriots of this cause.” Carter pledged to remain engaged with and for them as he returned “home to the South where I was born and raised,” home to Plains, where that young lieutenant had indeed become “a fellow citizen of the world.” —- Bill Barrow, based in Atlanta, has covered national politics including multiple presidential campaigns for the AP since 2012.

Northland Capmk Comments on Nextracker Q3 EarningsJimmy Carter: Many evolutions for a centenarian ‘citizen of the world’

Sinn Fein ‘ignored role of 3,000 deaths in damaging community relations’Knicks Provide Insight To Poor Defensive ShowingAnge Postecoglou has said the squad still support his attacking philosophy and backed them to turn their season around after to on Sunday. Spurs were 2-0 up after 11 minutes through goals from and but were unable to halt Chelsea's stirring comeback as 's first-half strike and 's 61st-minute penalty levelled the scores. then put the away side in front before Palmer's second spot-kick of the evening settled the contest. Although scored a consolation goal in the sixth minute of added time, fans greeted the full-time whistle with boos and many had left even earlier after feeling resigned to Tottenham's seventh league defeat of the season. Postecoglou, who took charge at Tottenham in the summer of 2023 and guided them to fifth place in his first season, after Thursday's at and pressure is mounting on the 59-year-old with the club 11th in the table and now seven points off the top four. Tottenham have suffered a series of injury setbacks and lost to a quad injury after only 15 minutes before went off with illness and was only able to play 79 minutes following a hamstring problem. "It is a tough moment because there are all these tools you can possibly use as a manager when you are going through tough moments to turn things around and our limited resources from a playing perspective at the moment doesn't allow us to do that so you have to find other ways," Postecoglou told a news conference. "It's not through a lack of effort. The players are constantly out there because we can't rotate. They are giving everything they can. It diminishes performances as well because they probably need a rest but we can't give them a rest. "I think it is something we need to tackle head on and keep pushing on. There is still plenty to play for us between now and January just to make sure we keep performing. "I still sense within this squad there is a real conviction in what we are doing and if we maintain that we will turn our season around and hopefully at some point we hit some smoother waters in terms of some of the things that are happening at the moment." Postecoglou also voiced his frustration at referee Anthony Taylor's decision not to punish Chelsea midfielder for a late tackle on in the 34th minute. VAR official Jarred Gillett deemed Caicedo had not used excessive force in the tackle but Postecoglou said: "I think it's kind of where we're at with the current state of football, where people are just frozen to make big decisions. I think referees don't want to make them because they'll go to VAR and VAR doesn't want to intervene, so you're kind of left in no man's land. "I just don't think, I have said it before, the technology has helped our game. I don't see how it helps because It means instead of one person being in control of a game and you accepting that, it almost feels like no one is in control because everybody is scared to make a decision to overturn somebody else. "Referees are scared to make decisions in case they get it wrong, VAR don't want to intervene and I get that because you don't want disruptions to the game. You just have to cop it."